Category Archives: Uncategorized

Spring 2024 schedule

Day & time: Mondays 1-2 pm (unless otherwise noted)
Location: AP&M 4218 and occasionally (also) Zoom

4/1planning meeting
4/8No meeting
4/15Ben: leading discussion of Whalen (2024)
4/22Will: eye tracker demo
4/29Anthony: practice ACAL talk
5/6Marc: PGG
5/13Mark: Naduhup tonogenesis
5/20(currently open)
5/27No meeting — Memorial Day
6/3(currently open)

Winter 2024 schedule

Day & time: Mondays 12-1pm (unless otherwise noted)
Location: AP&M 4218 and occasionally (also) Zoom

1/8planning meeting
1/15No meeting — MLK Holiday
1/22Marc — Consonant devoicing
1/29Maxine practice talk
2/5Ben — Topic TBD
2/12(Leave open for grad lunch with job candidate)
2/19No meeting — President’s Day Holiday
2/26Maxine — Chapter 3 CANCELLED
3/4(Leave open for Open House)
3/11Will — 🐋 Whale vowels 🐳

Fall 2023 Schedule

Day & time: Mondays 12-1pm (unless otherwise noted)
Location: AP&M 4218 and occasionally (also) Zoom

10/2planning meeting
10/9Marc on Mielke & Parker 2023
10/16Noah on Hoberman 1988
10/23Anthony on (double) downstep in Toussian
10/30Marc on phonology of phonation types
11/6Ben on Arabic
11/13Sharon (TBA)
11/20THANKSGIVING WEEK (no meeting)
11/27Shai on late first-language acquisition of phonological processing
12/4Noah – practice LSA talk

Monday, 4/25, 12pm: John Alderete, “Using the Simon Fraser University Speech Error Database (SFUSED)”

The Simon Fraser University Speech Error Database (SFUSED) is a multi-purpose database designed to support both language production and linguistic research. This talk reviews some recent research results from English and Cantonese (http://www.sfu.ca/people/alderete/sfused) as a way of explaining the logic of the database and how it can be used in new projects. It also identifies some of the current limitations of the SFUSED and sketches how planned developments of lexical, morpho-syntactic, and phonological structure can address them.

Spring 2023 schedule

Day & time: Mondays 12-1pm (unless otherwise noted)
Location: AP&M 4218 and occasionally (also) Zoom

4/3 planning meeting
4/10 No PhonCo [conflict with NLP job talk]
4/17 Marc on phonation types (handbook chapter ideas)
4/24 John Alderete – “Using the Simon Fraser University Speech Error Database (SFUSED)
5/1 Marc “Tense voice and the role of non-contrastive elements in sound change” (HISPhonCog talk)
5/8 Marc “Tense voice and the role of non-contrastive elements in sound change” (HISPhonCog talk)
5/15 Maxine on new Chapter 1!
5/22 Mark on Tira metaphony
5/29 MEMORIAL DAY
6/5 Ben – practice ICPhS talk

Fall 2022 schedule

Day & time: Mondays 1-2pm (unless otherwise noted)
Location: AP&M 4218 and occasionally (also) Zoom

9/26 planning meeting
10/3 Marc – Phonology and phonetics of Totonac “laryngealized vowels”
10/10 Eric – Faithfulness and underspecification (practice AMP poster)
10/17 [No meeting.]
10/24 [Zoom] Post-AMP debrief [virtual]
10/31 [Zoom] Shai — phonological errors of ASL signers across age of acquisition [virtual]
11/7 Olivia – “Non-identity Reduplication as Maximal Iconicity” (practice HDLS 15 talk)
11/14 [No meeting.]
11/21 [Zoom] Marc – practice ASA meeting poster
11/28 [No meeting.]

Monday 4/18/2022, 12pm: Sharon Rose, “Tone language-to-music transfer effects do not appear in Akan”

(joint work with Sarah Creel and Michael Obiri-Yeboah)

Recent research suggests that speaking a tone language confers benefits in processing pitch in nonlinguistic contexts such as music. This research largely compares speakers of non-tone European languages (English, French) with speakers of tone languages in East Asia (Mandarin, Cantonese, Vietnamese, Thai). However, tone languages exist on multiple continents, notably languages indigenous to Africa and the Americas. With one exception (Bradley, 2016), no research has assessed whether these tone languages also confer pitch processing advantages. The current pair of studies examined pitch perception using a melody change detection task in speakers of Akan, a tone language of Ghana, plus speakers from previously-tested populations (non-tone language speakers and East Asian tone language speakers). In both cases, Akan speakers showed no musical pitch processing advantage over non-tone speakers, despite comparable or better in instrument change detection. Results suggest limits on the inference that tone languages automatically confer pitch processing benefits.

Spring 2022 schedule

Day & time: Mondays 12-1pm (unless otherwise noted)
Location: AP&M 2452 4218 [note the change!] and Zoom (unless otherwise noted)

3/28 planning meeting
4/4 Discussion of Archangeli & Pulleyblank (2021), Emergent Phonology, Chs. 1-3.2.1 (pp. 1-40)
4/11 Discussion of Bjorndahl & Gibson (2022), “The CARE approach to incorporating undergraduate research in the phonetics/phonology classroom
4/18 Sharon Rose, “Tone language-to-music transfer effects do not appear in Akan
4/25 Yaqian Huang, “Articulatory properties of period-doubled voice in Mandarin” (practice poster for Speech Prosody 2022)
5/2 Will Styler’s Legacy Lecture preview
5/9 Ray Huaute, “A Preliminary Intonation Model of Torres-Martinez Desert Cahuilla” (practice talk for Speech Prosody 2022)
5/16 Yuan Chai, “The role of phonation in the TAM system of Yateé Zapotec”
5/23 Discussion of McMurray (2022), “The Myth of Categorical Perception” (led by Ben Lang)
5/30 Memorial Day (no meeting)

Monday 2/28/2022, 12pm: Yuan Chai, “Survey of Checkedness”

“Checked” has been a term that is reported in various languages, but lacks a clear definition. It usually refers to syllables or vowels that are closed by oral or glottal stops; associated with distinct tones; have glottalized quality; and/or have shorter duration. My study asks: is “checked” a meaningful phonological feature in languages where it is reported? How do “checked” syllables differ from closed syllables? How do “checked” tones differ from glottalized tones? How do “checked” vowels differ from short vowels? And how does “checked” phonation differ from creaky phonation? To answer these questions, I have surveyed Chinese and Zapotecan languages. The focuses of my presentations are 1) how to determine the phonological structure that “checked” feature is assigned to; 2) how to determine whether the glottal stop in Vʔ structure is a segment or a suprasegment; 3) how to determine whether “checked” is a meaningful phonological feature when it is a syllable type vs. when it is a phonation type.